Chagrined Bahraini press… The unaccomplished task

“Life is nothing but a word … Mighty is the word! … Isn’t the pledge of allegiance nothing but a word? … A person’s religion is nothing but a word … A man’s dignity is nothing but a word … God’s honor is nothing but a word.”

Abdul Rahman Al-Sharqawi

The article depends on the premise that “the subordination of the local press to the apparatus of totalitarian regimes loses it its necessary balance and deprives it of its expected pluralism. In autocratic societies, it is easy to tell why the press stumbles and lacks ‘respect and reliability,’ and rather becomes a means of obtaining personal gains. Autocracy, by nature, aims at creating institutions that seem independent but, in reality, are obedient and tamable. The article seeks to examine the reality of the press in Bahrain from the starting point that press freedom in Bahrain is still an unaccomplished task. Over the past decades, the state tried fiercely to dominate the press and thwart its developmental and enlightening role by monopolizing the journalistic market and exploiting the arts of “autocracy.” Thus, the mission of the press remained in limbo while the state was able to accomplish its task of dominating and the journalistic character.

The article concludes that the Bahraini press has begun to lose the journalistic value since 2011. In fact, most newspapers, except for Al-Wasat which was shut down in 2017, have become no different from the state’s official press; they speak for the government and follow its directives. The government monopolizes the journalistic voice and dictates its political agenda. As a result of the authority’s interventions, one can say that the Bahraini press has given up its developmental role and turned into means of aggravation and confusion for the public opinion opposing the government. The Bahraini press, in its current version, presents its production as a token of friendship to the regime.

The authority seems extremely satisfied with attaining its mission, as it achieved one of the most essential ‘authoritarian goals of autocracy’, namely the disintegration of public opinion and taking control of channels and public spheres, foremost of which is the press. It aims at rendering many newspaper articles and writings dependent on ‘the crooked use of language.’ This assertion is supported by the analysis of the language used in the local press. The results indicate a prevailing language that is not intended to provide facts, but rather to distort them and try to put forward ‘alternative facts’.

Totalitarianism and the arts of autocracy

The picture may seem harsh and painful when looking at the reality of the local press in Bahrain, although history is a witness for Bahrain’s pioneering role in print press in the Gulf. Bahrain preceded other Gulf states in issuing the first paper newspaper at the hands of Abdullah Ali Al-Zayed in 1939 to become the first daily newspaper published in the Arab Gulf region.

The early beginnings of the Bahraini press, specifically in the fifties (1942-1961), have witnessed the launch of a number of newspapers, magazines and various publications. Each has a story with bans, suspensions, and attempts to control the press and media discourse through the Publications Law, which was approved in 1956 against the background of the political turmoil led by the Supreme Committee in 1954-1956. This eventually led to the arrest and exile of political leaders from Bahrain and the imposition of a severely repressive atmosphere on the press. The situation continued at such a pace until the eve of independence in 1970 when the press was able to breathe some freedoms. However, in August 1975, the state imposed a state of emergency and pursued the speech under the cloak of the State Security Law.

After decades, Bahrain witnessed an improvement in press freedom when it scored 68 points in 2002. Its level remained almost constant between 2003 and 2010, as the number of points during that period ranged between 70 and 72 points. However, after the sharp decline in press freedom in Bahrain in 2011, in which it scored 84 points, Bahrain continued to deteriorate in 2012 when it dropped two additional points from the previous year to get 86 points. However, the drop in 2013 was the largest in its history. It got 87 points (Al-Wasat newspaper, issue 4987 – Monday, May 02, 2016 AD). The decline and recession continued to be the norm; if it improves one degree soon after it loses two. What remains unchanged though is its place and one the worst countries in press and media freedoms.

In 2014, Bahrain faced a torrent of human rights accusations regarding press freedom. The Freedom House classified Bahrain among the online list of the ‘not free’ countries, considering that press freedom has declined. These reports continued to confirm the declining freedoms and the rising hegemony of the local press. This is especially the case after the closure of Al-Wasat newspaper, which was the only voice of opposition, whereas the government controls the rest of the media, including local newspapers.

This was not the first time the government targeted Al-Wasat newspaper as the authorities have repeatedly targeted the paper and its staff. The Bahraini government has shut down the newspaper on four occasions since 2011. As the uprisings started, it suspended its activities for one day—causing the resignation of some of the newspaper’s senior staff. Similarly, in 2015, the government suspended Al-Wasat activities for two days for not describing Bahraini military causalities in Yemen as ‘martyrs’. In January 2017, Al-Wasat was banned for publishing photos of tortured victims later executed by the Bahrain government. It is worth noting that the Bahraini authorities tortured to death one of Al-Wasat founders, Karim Fakhrawi.

Concerning the press, the government has always been willy in its limiting definition of journalistic work to only those officially registered as journalists with the Ministry of Information. This is the argument on which Bahraini officials base their responses to the statements of human rights organizations calling for the protection of journalists and practitioners of any new forms of journalism, insisting that they are criminally convicted.

In fact, the clampdown on freedom of speech that culminated in 2011 was preceded by clear-cut attempts by the government to establish its control over media and gag the press. The government had suspended the periodicals issued by opposition political societies since mid-2010, which these societies described as an “attempt to restrict their expression and silent their voice.”

Such measures have yielded disappointing journalistic norms, and thus the vision of independent newspapers expressing the public opinion and its problems and concerns disappeared. These are issues that the report of the Royal Independent Commission of Inquiry (Bassiouni’s Commission) clearly referred to. It criticized the content and discourse of the official media. The report concluded that Bahrain TV showed material that contained “derogatory language and inflammatory coverage of events, some of which may have involved defamation.”

The committee’s report proved “the bias of the Bahraini media towards the regime.” It recommended that the Bahraini government should “adopt a more flexible approach in its practice of censorship and allow the opposition more space in television, radio and print media.” This media has played, and is still playing, a major role in fueling sectarianism and transforming the conflict between the opposition and the government into a conflict between two sects. The absence of news—in its classical sense—has become noticeable as most news, even non-political news, contribute to provoking the political crisis. Thus, local newspapers—with the sole exception of Al-Wasat newspaper—turned into expanded versions of official media bulletins (The media struggle in Bahrain, Carnegie Endowment Institute Echo Bulletin, 3 May 2012).

Legalizing Repression

The local press record (1954-1980) indicates the disappearance of many newspapers and magazines due to the lack of resources and the inability to bear the financial burdens of printing and distribution. However, a careful examination of this phenomenon leads to a set of other reasons that, combined with the financial crises, led to the reformation of the press market according to the scenario set by the ruling authority. Many of these newspapers were suspended due to legal prosecutions or the tightening grip on the conditions of their publication. The regime had at its disposal an arsenal of laws, most notably the Publishing Law issued in 1956. The enactment of this confining law put more restrictions on the freedom of journalism, and the local press has turned from an independent entity to a kind of ‘think tanks’ nurtured by the government. As a result, they have to align with the official discourse otherwise, closure and banning will be their destiny.

This historical narrative helps us trace the two tendencies of ‘besiegement and domination’ as one of the arts of autocracy in dealing with the public sphere and the journalistic space in particular. The core concepts of the Publications Law 1956 and the rest of the other restricting laws continued to govern even in the independence phase where it was replaced by new legislation—a law that is not different from its predecessor. The situation remained unchanged even after Bahrain had entered the phase of political openness in 2001 when it issued a law regulating printing and publishing in 2002. This flawed law carries many human rights violation and tools of abuse, control and isolation.

In 2002, the authorities issued Decree No. (47), regulating printing and publishing. This law is still used to impose severe restrictions on journalists, reporters, bloggers, street journalists who use the Internet to publish their media content, and editors of daily newspapers. The law contains 17 different types of penalties under which journalists may be fined or imprisoned (Bahrain’s new publications laws pose a threat to journalists | Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

Under this law, journalists may face criminal charges and imprisonment if they are accused of publishing false news, inciting hatred of the regime, insulting an official institution, insulting the king, or investigating topics and practices related to national security. To bring those charges, the government relies on the vagueness of legal articles and the cunning to broaden the criminalization of any journalistic practice. It also imposes harsh penalties based on the articles of the Anti-Terrorism Law and the alike. The government has been presenting drafts of new press laws then quickly withdrawing them. This is not a bad thing indeed, especially if we are certain that press-related projects proposed by the government aim at besieging the press, isolating journalists, and domesticating the press to serve its agenda. The last of these attempts was two years ago when the government put forward a new bill to regulate press and publications, which press institutions perceived as a law enforcing isolation.  It was another episode of restrictive laws as it, more importantly, legitimizes such violations cunningly relying on the vagueness and broadness of the law articles.

In addition, the absence of any legislation regarding the right to access information that any journalist needs leads them to depend in their investigations on the information supplied by the concerned authorities. On the other hand, a court can hold any journalist accountable for publishing any information under multiple headings. Laws such as allowed by the Press and Media Law or the Anti-Terrorism Law allow such arbitrariness. The Committee for the Protection of the Journalists (CPJ) described the Bahraini situation in the harshest terms in its 2013 report. It stated that “the Bahraini government suppresses any source of information that does not agree with its official version of events, despite its verbal assurances on the importance of the press.” This confirms the miserable situation of the press in Bahrain.

Pro-capital ownership

In addition to restrictive legislation and the arsenal of arbitrary laws, it seems that the journalistic scene in Bahrain is far more complex than just dealing with intolerant laws. In addition, it is possible to emphasize the critical role played by the ownership of the capital controlling the newspapers issued in the country, consequently identifying the privileged individual ownership of the press. The Royal Commission of Inquiry’s report published in late November 2011 indicated that the government completely controls and monopolizes media outlets, both the television and radio broadcasting. It also referred to the growing tendencies of hatred and incitement against political opposition groups, which are not allowed media spaces to talk about themselves and their projects. Thus, other threads and deeper roots allow the authority to directly control the journalistic field and the press by weaving economic networks of various sizes between the newspapers’ boards of directors and the state.

What is surprising here is that the remaining local newspapers, despite being classified as loyalist newspapers, the conflict among them seems clear to anyone familiar with the source of funding and the government agency supporting it. For example, Al-Watan newspaper is considered the Royal Court mouthpiece.  On the other hand, Al-Bilad newspaper was known for serving the former Prime Minister Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa, whom Akhbar Al-Khaleej newspaper tended to support and regularly published about his achievements and political positions in both regional and local affairs. Finally, the most widely circulated newspaper, Al-Ayyam, is also affiliated with the king and expresses his own position.

Newspapers that did not have a sponsor among the ruling family/officials were destined to be financial liquidation and closure. This confirms the crucial role of newspaper ownership and sponsorship. Al-Waqat and Al-Mithaq newspapers, for example, faced financial difficulties that led to the liquidation of both newspapers, despite the different reasons for the lack of support and the government’s interference in restricting the resources of Al-Waqat. However, Al-Wasat newspaper was a different case. Despite its financial independence and ability to bear the burdens of printing and running costs, it faced an arsenal of laws restricting the work of the press. Eventually, it was forcibly stopped in violation of the law and without a judicial ruling, and then its property was liquidated.

Censorship and Bounties

Many professionals in the field of journalism confirm the existence of elaborate censorship by higher authorities over their daily work. They also assert that there are indirect penalties imposed on newspapers if they publish topics or articles incompatible with the state’s general domestic and foreign policies. Subsequent censorship of newspapers may sometimes lead to the dismissal of the journalist from the newspaper. In more extreme cases, the government resorts to cutting back on advertisement, which is a primary source of income for newspapers. Given the dependence of newspapers on government advertisements, editors-in-chief tend to take into account government positions in press coverage and in setting editorial ‘unwritten’ rules that ensures conformity with the official discourse. Local newspapers have become accustomed to dedicating the first three pages to cover official news from the Royal Court, the Prime Minister’s Office or other political leaders. As a result, newspapers end up always and forever in a manner of obedience and compliance with the state’s policies and the government’s viewpoint.

Moreover, the state creates incentive plans that encourage journalism professionals to become obedient and appreciate the gifts they receive (Bahrain’s Press Law is exemplary – Al-Ayyam newspaper – issue 8427 Sunday, May 6, 2012). Those whose coverage or articles support state policies are rewarded with a range of incentives or privileges. The Prime Minister Khalifa bin Salman’s Award for Journalism is an example of prizes given to journalists supporting the state and promoting its vision.

Through this triad and these direct and indirect tools, “autocracy” exercises its arts of domination, control, and even repression in many cases. It can be said that “the current press law has obvious flaws as it subjects journalists to criminal penalties. In addition, newspaper authorization/licensing procedures are not flexible enough, especially for an institution in charge of licensing daily papers. Furthermore, the stance towards the electronic press is still ambiguous in terms of the authority to ban and block websites. The Ministry of Information now exercises this authority.” (The Bahraini Observatory, “What future for press freedom in Bahrain?”). In addition, specialized security oversight bodies have recently been added. The Cybercrime Unit, for instance, monitors and controls digital journalistic content or what is known as ‘citizen journalism’.

Distrust and self-submission of the press

The description of the low ceiling of press freedoms remains incapable of describing the current reality of the journalistic field in Bahrain. The more accurate statement that touches the reality is that the journalistic field has now reached an actual blockage, and the expected trust in what local newspapers produce is absent. This also explains the government’s keenness to make an extra effort in two main areas to accomplish the task of controlling and dominating the public space through:

1. Resorting to new tools of coercion: Increasing the legal arsenal that monitors the entire media movement and establishing laws that criminalize media activity that the government does not endorse. Numerous laws in this regard that have no limits in the pursuit of journalists and cyber activists.

In its 2021 annual report, Reporters without Borders referred to several grave violations against journalists, emphasizing that the press in Bahrain is experiencing “continuous and uninterrupted repression.” On charges of participating in demonstrations; sabotage; or supporting terrorism, journalists usually face prison and life sentences in some cases. While many are mistreated, others get their citizenship revoked. In addition, local journalists working for international media organizations have been finding it difficult to renew their licenses since 2016. Likewise, as most of the media actors are living in exile face prosecutions on charges of committing ‘cybercrimes’ for criticizing Manama’s policies on social media platforms, obtaining a visa for a foreign journalist has become very complicated.

Recently, the scandal of the Bahraini regime’s spying on a group of activists was disclosed. In addition, an official report revealed the existence of several programs used by state agencies in Bahrain to monitor the Internet and communications. The report concluded that Bahrain “employs many means to block or suppress content on the Internet.” It also resorts to systematic jamming on the Internet to thwart demonstrations. The report emphasized that Bahrainis who publish content on the Internet critical of the government are prosecuted and arrested by the cybercrime unit at the Ministry of Interior. The report also assured that Bahrain monitors human rights activists, dissidents and members of the political opposition. The government is increasingly using spyware and Internet controls such as FinFisher, Hacking Team and NSO Group that Bahrain had purchased since 2010.

2. Distorting the truth: demonizing the opposition media and waging electronic wars in the same arena. With the absence of independent space for journalistic writing, thoughtful opinion articles were absent from the local press. Instead, they were replaced by dull writings brightly polishing state policies.

An analysis of a random sample of opinion articles in several newspapers reveals the orientation of the writers and basing their arguments on hatred and incitement. Some human rights reports indicate an increase in hate speech in the content of most local newspapers. This raises questions about the intent of such discourses deeply involved in undermining the social fabric and their flagrant advocacy of government policies. It may be said that behind this hate-filled scene is a profound societal and political division that is reflected in these writings. In fact, this assertion is not plausible given the fact that these writings have become fragile and lost any popular trust as they portray fake realities.

The press allowed to circulate has given up its role as a watchdog. On the contrary, it went ahead in eliminating institutions and individuals that do not conform to the official viewpoint. Newspapers have become an expanded version of the official news and thus gained distrust and lost any social influence. Additionally, newspapers have turned into one of the new tools of coercion that constantly produce incitement and hate speech, often without justification.

Recommendations

There appears to be an urgent need to rid the journalistic field of state domination by emphasizing a number of issues reviewed in the article, most notably:

1. Bahrain’s need for a new press law that abolishes the grim legal legacy that has been in place for more than half a century.
2. The abolition of legislation and laws restricting press and media freedoms, especially those targeting new media platforms, and the recognition of citizen journalism alongside traditional journalism.
3. Allowing the community of journalists to be re-represented structurally (in a syndicate) and professionally by slackening the grip over press institutions.
4. Revoking the harsh sentences against some journalists, media professionals and intellectuals, and restoring revoked citizenships.